Kuwaiti Net Mogul Launches Arab Online Political Forum

One of the world's leading internet developers hopes his new site will become a leading political forum in the Arab world.

Thunayan Khalid al-Ghanim

Article first published as Kuwaiti Net Mogul Launches Arab Online Political Forum on Technorati.

London, 6 July: Kuwaiti businessman Thunayan Khalid al-Ghanim (also known online as Elequa) is one of the foremost internet developers in the world.

Over the past decade his British Virgin Islands-based company Future Media Architects (FMA) has built up a portfolio of some 120,000 domain names, valued at over $3 billion. His top names include media.com, MultiMedia.com and Music.TV. And unlike most other internet investors seeking to profit from domain names, FMA is known for its rigid policy of refusing to sell the names it owns.

In London I caught up with Thunayan, an artist and sculptor before he turned internet entrepreneur, to ask him about the latest phase of his varied career - as a champion of free expression online in the Arab world.

As the Middle East and North Africa are convulsed by the fastest-moving period of revolutionary change in 60 years, Thunayan has launched Arabs.com, a website in Arabic and English that he intends to develop into a major online political forum.

As well as a general discussion area, the site has separate sections including women's rights, cultural affairs, an archive project collating historical political transcripts, and a section called Transparency, "for whistleblowers to expose scandals and secret files". Bloggers can also post their own articles or opinion pieces in a separate area.

"Arabs.com is a forum for Arabs by Arabs - and anyone around the world who is interested in Arab issues - from every segment of society, without bias or preference for one voice over another, to create their reality without censorship or guardianship, where each person is responsible for their exercise of free choice and expression," he explained.

No Political Ambitions

The launch of Arabs.com signifies "recognition of the power of the new citizen journalist generation", Thunayan said. It is a site committed to providing "a zone free of censorship for civil objective dialogue that excludes no one."

The site describes itself as "a platform for Middle East voices and those interested in and knowledgeable about the region". But it does not represent or support any political or religious group or party, and he has no personal political ambitions, the 41-year-old international "domain artist" insisted.

"I come from a long family lineage of historical political leaders and oppositionists, though I’m not a politician myself and have no ambitions to be one," Thunayan said. "My family background ingrained in me early awareness of the condition of the world we live in and a concern with its issues, probably earlier than a child should have. I have encountered and inherited injustices in my life, and it’s through those trials that my belief in the human spirit and the value of freedom and truth has developed."

Social Media And The Arab Spring

Commenting on the part played by social media and citizen journalists in the Arab Spring, Thunayan agreed that social media were useful tools, but there had to be old-fashioned political organizing and grass-roots activism to begin with.

"History is not made by super-powers of heaven or earth, it’s human-made through the collective exercise of humanity expressing itself freely. The Arab Spring is a case of little brother taking over big brother, a David and Goliath scenario if you like, where too many little people are moving at once too fast for the organized power to control the power of organized chaos," he argued.

Thunayan believes that the tools of social media - including Facebook, Twitter and blogs - are replacing the traditional broadcast media because of what he calls their "instancy": "Television and radio, for those with access to the internet, have become archaic in my point of view, maybe good for entertainment, and even decreasingly at that. Books on the other hand could be served by the fact that most of the internet is the written word, and books being word-based media - I think the book as a concept will survive, as long as the format changes. The book industry should accept the progress of the digital evolution of the word."

Arab Governments And The Internet

"I believe in the free flow of information," said Thunayan, who was scathing about the attempts of Arab governments to regulate the internet and online media. "Regulatory bodies in the Arab world don't know how to use the filters that they buy. Quite legitimate discussion sites could be blocked, for example, if they contain words such as 'adult' or 'sexism'," he added. "They should restrain themselves rather than absurdly trying to restrain the internet. "

As for the old and discredited state-run newspapers and TV stations across the Arab world, he predicted that their days were nearly over. "They're becoming obsolete. They won't give up, but they're living in their own dimension."

"Pivotal Point in History"

Awareness of Arabs.com is spreading by word of mouth, without publicity, and it is attracting citizen journalists, according to Thunayan.

"The site started with 10,000 visitors a day… We have started a Twitter page to engage with people and invite them to comment…We are mostly republishing at the moment, and have started producing original content. We are targeting writers to give us exclusives and hope in turn to give them an excellent audience… The only thing we won't allow on the site is hate," he said.

Although the launch of Arabs.com coincided with the rise of the Arab Spring, it was not a spur of the moment decision, Thunayan added.

"It has been a long time in the making, of accumulating credible sources, documents and information. It’s not meant to be nothing more that an outlet for a current outburst, as is the case of what I call shout-out websites. It's here for the long haul, with conviction, determination and focus."

The uprisings of the Arab people were not constrictively Arab but an uprising of humanity, he concluded. "My message to those interested and even to those not so interested is to take notice that we are at a pivotal point in history."

Revolutions Transform North Africa's Media Landscape

This article was first published in The Middle East magazine, July 2011

Arab journalists at the dawn of the 21st century, far from being defenders of the status quo, "see their mission as driving political and social change," said veteran US journalist Lawrence Pintak in his recent book, "The New Arab Journalist: Mission and Identity in a Time of Turmoil".

The rapid transformations in North African media during the Arab Spring show that they are embracing that mission with enthusiasm, replacing the formerly state-dominated media.

Fighting in Libya and political upheavals in Tunisia and Egypt have brought unprecedented changes to the media landscape, as new broadcasters, publications and websites have emerged.

Pundits differ over the role played by online media and social networking sites in fuelling the unrest, and the media revolution that has ensued.

The New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) described the blogging, video sharing, text messaging and live streaming from mobile phones of the demonstrations in Tahrir Square and Tunis as a "seismic shift" in how journalists rely on the Internet and other digital tools. But the CPJ warned that oppressive regimes were also showing increasing sophistication in using the tools of new technology to suppress information.

For established broadcasters, the Arab uprisings have brought a surge in viewing figures, but with no corresponding economic benefit.

Audiences for satellite TV news channels, primarily the leading pan-Arab stations Al-Jazeera and Al-Arabiya, have doubled in key markets such as Saudi Arabia, the Dubai-based Pan-Arab Research Centre (PARC) reports.

However, spending on TV advertising across the Arab world has slumped. In Egypt, it was down by 97% in February and 78% in March 2011, compared with the same months a year ago, PARC added.

"Voice of Free Libya"

Since the 17 February 2011 uprising, various opposition groups in rebel-held areas in eastern Libya, as well as abroad, launched their own affiliated newspapers, websites, radio and satellite TV stations to counter what they termed the "propaganda" of the state-controlled broadcaster.

"Voice of Free Libya" radio stations went on air in Benghazi and Al-Bayda, as well as the besieged rebel-held port of Misrata in the west. The rebel-linked stations reflect a mix of Islamist and Libyan nationalist views in their programmes. In the town of Nalut in the mountains of western Libya, journalists who had formerly broadcast pro-Gaddafi material on the local radio station switched sides, relaunching it as "Radio Free Nalut".

Of the new opposition satellite TV channels, the slickest is Libya TV, launched at the end of March. It is based for the time being in Qatar, the first Arab country to recognize the Transitional National Council, the opposition shadow government.

After more than 40 years of state control over the media, apart from a short-lived period when Gaddafi's son Saif al-Islam operated the country's first privately-owned media outlets, it is no surprise that most journalists in Libya fall short on production and technical skills.

But they make up for this in creativity and enthusiasm. The Voice of Free Libya broadcasts include revolutionary music, popular songs by Arab divas like Fairuz, poetry with rebel themes, and phone-in programmes allowing citizens to air their views and grievances.

State-run Al-Jamahiriyah TV went on the counter-offensive, launching an English-language TV channel to convey the Gaddafi regime's views to international audiences. The channel took the line that the uprising in Libya was fomented by Al-Qaeda and "foreign elements".

Libyan state TV says its external service has been deliberately jammed. Air strikes on Tripoli by NATO-led forces have also intermittently disrupted state-controlled TV broadcasts.

Mixed signals for Egyptian media

The media in Egypt were already cowed by the severe crackdown that preceded the November 2010 parliamentary elections. Now media outlets are moving cautiously, after being given mixed signals.

The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces warned in March that it would carry out prior vetting of all reporting on topics covering Egypt's military establishment. In late April it said that it would not interfere in media policy. But in May, the Council warned against websites and Facebook pages which could, in its words, "incite sectarianism and violence and spread rumours that could destabilize the country".

Many laws impeding media freedom are still to be abolished. When a military court sentenced an Egyptian blogger to three years in jail in April for defaming the army and "disseminating false information", journalists got the message that limits on free speech still apply, particularly where the armed forces are concerned.

The new heads of state newspapers, TV and radio appointed by the government after President Mubarak was ousted in February have been accused of having close links with the former regime.

On the plus side, the new government has brought in new rules making it easier for privately-owned TV channels to launch, and 16 new channels have already been approved.

A debate is under way about whether foreign models for media reform are compatible with Egypt's still-evolving political reality. But the vast majority of the tens of thousands of mainstream journalists still operate in a culture of self-censorship.

Tunisian authorities stall

Aspiring media entrepreneurs in Tunisia are already accusing the interim government of using outdated bureaucratic procedures to block private broadcasting.

More than 40 applicants have sought approval to launch new radio and TV stations, but the authorities claim that the number of "frequencies" is limited.

In mid-May, activists reported cases of resumed internet censorship. And journalists also complain that they are still not free to do their jobs because of attacks and threats by security police, party activists and demonstrators.

A long-term goal

With government institutions in North Africa accustomed to decades of state control over the media, not everyone regards Western-style media pluralism as the highest priority, so significant reform could take years to consolidate.

As happened in Iraq after the overthrow of Saddam Hussein in 2003, many new broadcasters and publications have been launched, but not all will survive.

Some will go under for financial reasons such as high printing and production costs or lack of advertising, or because they have fulfilled their short-term political objectives of spreading a particular group's message, or because the market simply cannot sustain too many competitors. Others, especially web-based media which are cheaper to operate, may enjoy a longer existence.

North Africa Unrest, High Prices Hamper Continent's Economic Recovery

Although Africa weathered the 2009 global economic crisis, the unrest in North Africa combined with rising fuel and food prices could slow growth this year, a new report from the African Development Bank warns.

Article first published as Unrest, High Prices Hamper Africa's Recovery on Technorati.

 Ghana community farmers (IMAGE – Trees ForTheFuture)

Africa's economies have weathered the global crisis relatively well and rebounded in 2010, according to the African Economic Outlook 2011, launched on 6 June 2011.

But recent political events in North Africa and high food and fuel prices are likely to slow the continent’s growth down to 3.7% in 2011, the report warns.

During this year, sub-Saharan Africa will grow faster than North Africa. The report predicts a rebound to 5.8% in 2012. Economic growth in Africa has averaged 5% in the past decade.

The new report was launched in Lisbon, which later this week will host the African Development Bank’s (AfDB) annual meeting, the first gathering of African finance ministers and other officials to be held in Europe for 10 years.

"Africa is growing but there are risks. Urgent attention is needed to foster inclusive growth, to improve political accountability, and address the youth bulge," said Mthuli Ncube, Chief Economist and Vice-President of the AfDB.

New trade with emerging economies

Co-authored by the African Development Bank (AfDB), the OECD Development Centre, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA), the report covers 51 of the continent's 53 countries.

It urges African countries to develop closer cross-border ties in dealing with traditional and emerging partners so they can boost sustainable and inclusive growth.

Despite its large oil and mineral exports, Africa today still accounts for only about 1.5% of global trade. However, Africa is becoming more integrated in the world economy and its partnerships are diversifying, revealing unprecedented economic opportunities.

New routes opened between Africa and emerging countries are promising, the report states. "New partners bring new opportunities for African countries," said Mario Pezzini, Director at the OECD Development Centre.

Emerging economic powers like China and India are seeking to extend their influence in Africa, not only through trade and investment but also through diplomatic alliances.

China's $126 billion annual trade with Africa is worth almost three times that of India's $ 46 billion. But India is moving to shrink that gap, as witnessed at the second India-Africa Forum on 24-25 May 2011 in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa. India's bilateral trade with Africa is forecast to exceed $50 billion this year.

China now Africa's main trading partner

In 2009, China surpassed the US and became Africa’s main trading partner, while the share conducted by Africa with emerging partners has grown from approximately 23% to 39% in the last 10 years.

Africa’s top five emerging trade partners are now China (38%), India (14%), Korea (7.2%), Brazil (7.1%) and Turkey (6.5%).

While traditional partners, as a whole, still account for the largest proportion of Africa’s trade (62%), investment (80%) and Official Development Assistance (90%), the report notes that emerging economies can provide additional know-how, technology and development experiences required to raise the standard of living for millions of people on the continent.

World Bank echoes warning on fuel, food prices

On 12 May 2011 the World Bank also warned that high food and fuel prices could slow Africa's rapid recovery from the global financial crisis. Sub-Saharan Africa's economy was likely to grow by 5.1% in 2011 and 5.4% in 2012, it said. An earlier forecast by the Bank had shown the region growing by 5.3% this year and 5.5% in 2012.

The sub-Saharan African economy grew by 4.7% in 2010, rebounding from 1.7% growth in the previous year, when the world economic crisis hit output.

"Having presented a fairly optimistic picture, I should add that there are some real risks to this growth forecast. Perhaps most importantly is this increase in food and fuel prices that we are seeing right now," Shantayanan Devarajan, World Bank chief economist for Africa, told Reuters in an interview.

"If food prices and particularly fuel prices continue to rise, there is some really serious risk to the growth forecast."

On a positive note, Devarajan said sub-Saharan Africa should also see higher foreign capital flows in 2011 - after rising 6% to $32 billion in 2010 - as perceptions about the continent improve.

Bribery Act's Impact on British Defence Industry

BAE's Tornado fighter/bomber, sold to Saudi Arabia as well as the RAF - Image: Andrew Parsons/PA

This article was first published in Defence Management Journal, Issue 53 - Summer 2011

The UK Bribery Act 2010 was due to come into force in April 2011, but has been put back until three months after the final official guidance on the Act is published.

The Act has attracted considerable negative media coverage, and anti-corruption groups allege there has been intensive last-minute lobbying against it, from unspecified corporate circles.

It comes at a time when the British defence industry is under increasing public scrutiny.

After the headlines created by the Strategic Defence and Spending Review and consequent job cuts, the uprisings in the Arab world since the end of 2010 focused attention on the weapons that British companies supplied to Bahrain, Libya and others, including teargas and crowd control ammunition, which have been used against protesters and insurgents.

In 2009, UK defence export orders were worth £7.2 billion, according to ADS. The UK was fifth in the global weapons suppliers league after the USA, Russia, Germany and France, although the volume of British arms exports actually fell by 11 per cent between the periods 2001–2005 and 2006–10, the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) said in data published in March 2011.

With the domestic spending squeeze tightening, Britain's defence manufacturers must maintain if not strengthen their position in the international marketplace. Industry figures are not happy that government guidance on the Bribery Act has been delayed, but say the legislation should not stifle business because anti-corruption measures are already in place.

Penalties

The Bribery Act was enacted in response to growing worldwide pressure on the UK to address a perceived lack of commitment to anti-bribery law enforcement. With this extra-territorial legislation, UK-linked companies involved in bribing officials and executives anywhere can be fined and their assets recovered.

It creates four categories of offences: offering, promising or giving a bribe to another person; requesting, agreeing to receive or accepting a bribe from another person; bribing a foreign public official; and the corporate offence of failing to prevent bribery by individuals acting on its behalf.

Failing to prevent bribery introduces strict liability for corporate organizations and is the most significant departure from current law, legal experts say. Ignoring the Act could cost companies dearly, with the maximum penalty for individuals being 10 years imprisonment and/or a fine, and for the new corporate offence an unlimited fine.

The only defence available to commercial organizations charged with strict liability corporate offences will be to show that the organization had "adequate procedures" in place to prevent bribery being committed.

"The breadth of the act is already prompting complaints from British business abroad, concerned that the strictures will give undue advantage to competitors with no links to the UK, who are not covered by the legislation," the Financial Times commented on 24 February 2011.

Concerns

Tobias Bock, a project officer at the anti-corruption watchdog Transparency International, estimates that the global cost of corruption in the defence sector is at least 12.5 billion pounds a year.

But facilitation payments by UK firms are already illegal and will continue to be banned when the Act comes into force, though the government’s earlier draft guidance failed to make this explicit.

Transparency International UK spokesman Robert Barrington says honest companies "have nothing to fear from the Act, and should welcome it as an opportunity to create a level playing field." But he warns: "Defence is a notably high-risk sector for bribery. The Act should remind every company in every industry that bribery is unacceptable and there is now a greater likelihood of being caught and punished."

Barrington told DMJ in an interview: "If I have a concern about the defence industry, it's that smaller and medium-sized companies that are exporting to difficult markets might be less aware of their obligations and the legal implications."

Derek Marshall, MD of Policy and Public Affairs at ADS, said many of the UK's bigger companies, especially multinationals, "have adjusted for quite a while now to the notion that they will have to comply with legislation like the Bribery Act and the US Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA), so the impact on them will be very limited."

"The real issue for us is having proper guidance soon (from the Ministry of Justice) on how the Act will be interpreted… For the time being, we seem to be in uncharted waters," he told DMJ.

Further delay in publishing the guidance will not only prolong uncertainty for companies, but could also undermine how the government’s commitment to the Act is perceived.

A Shropshire Guide: Stepping Up To Bridgnorth

The photogenic market town of Bridgnorth in southeastern Shropshire is also home to a public transport oddity.

Bridgnorth Town Hall   -   (Image - Peter Feuilherade)

The ancient market town of Bridgnorth is actually two towns - the High Town, perched on a ridge above the River Severn and with a view that King Charles I called "the finest in all my kingdom", and the Low Town, spread along the river bank 120 feet below, which was formerly a thriving port. The two are connected by a steep lane called Cartway, seven stairways, and a modern road. Or you could take a ride on England's only remaining inland electric cliff railway.

Bridgnorth's many historic and photogenic sights include the ruins of a Norman castle, several timbered buildings from the 16^th century onwards, and St. Mary Magdalene parish church, built by Thomas Telford in the late 18^th century.

The town is also the northern terminus of the Severn Valley Railway (SVR), a steam-hauled passenger train service which carries tourists on a picturesque 16-mile cross-country route to Kidderminster in Worcestershire.

The Castle Ruins

The ruins of Bridgnorth Castle are in the High Town, on a cliff by the side of the River Severn. Little remains to see now, apart from the early 12th century Norman tower and other stonework added decades later during the reign of Henry II (1154-1189).

What is left of the tower leans at a perilous angle of 15 degrees, more than the Tower of Pisa, as locals are fond of telling visitors. The reason, as the Bridgnorth tourist website recalls, is that in 1646 "the building was blown up in the Civil War by the parliamentarians - who botched it, as parliamentarians are wont to do".

Churches

St. Mary Magdalene is the parish church of Bridgnorth. It was built by the eminent Scottish architect and civil engineer Thomas Telford in 1792 to a classical design, on the site of the original medieval chapel of the adjacent castle.

St Leonard's Church, also in the High Town, dates from the early 13^th century, although it was extensively rebuilt in the 1840s and 1860s.

Cliff Railway

 

(Image - Peter Feuilherade)

Bridgnorth boasts the steepest cliff railway, or "funicular", in the UK. It began operating in 1892, and was originally driven by a system of water balance. Now powered by an electric winding engine (added in 1943), the Castle Hill Railway connects the Low Town and the High Town in less than 60 seconds. At £1 a ride (return tickets only – for unexplained reasons, the company does not offer one-way tickets), it is a popular alternative to the scenic but tortuous walk uphill.

Historic Buildings and Other Sights

The town's oldest house is Bishop Percy's House, a gabled and timbered building which dates from 1580. It was the birthplace in 1729 of Thomas Percy, poet and antiquary, who later became Bishop of Dromore in County Down, Ireland.

The High Street is dominated by the 17th century Town Hall, a striking half-timbered building which stands on open arches. The street is lined with long-established family-run shops. On Market Days, local produce and antiques are in great demand.

For hard-to-find bottled ales and farm cider, as well as international beers, head for the Hop & Stagger, a specialist shop on West Castle Street.

A popular walk takes day-trippers half a mile south from Bridgnorth, a few hundred yards after the bypass bridge along the B4555 Highley road, to visit Daniel's Mill, owned by the same family for more than 250 years. This corn mill, with a stream running up to a viaduct of the SVR, boasts the largest waterwheel still in use in England.

More information:

Bridgnorth and District Tourist Association

Shropshire Tourism

Pakistan - Music instrument makers in Peshawar's Old City

The Pakistani newspaper Dawn has a beautiful photo-essay on musical instrument makers in the Old City district of Peshawar.

This report was published in Dawn on 12 May 2011



Eight Kings to Form Club of Arab Monarchs

Jordan and Morocco will join the six-member Gulf Cooperation Council in an extended union comprising all eight Arab monarchies.

The Saudi capital Riyadh


Article first published as Eight Kings To Form Club of Arab Monarchs on Technorati.

Leaders of the six Arab Gulf states have welcomed bids by Jordan and Morocco to join the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC).

The GCC comprises Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, Oman and the United Arab Emirates, which between them supply about 20% of the world’s oil. It was formed in 1981 to coordinate political and economic policies. More recently, this has extended to defence and security too. In April 2011 the GCC sent troops into Bahrain, where the monarchy faced protests calling for democratic reform.

The GCC leaders' decision will result in an extended alliance including Jordan and Morocco. Both these kingdoms have seen limited protests and calls for political reform and constitutional monarchy during the "Arab Spring". In the GCC itself, as well as the Bahrain unrest, there have been small-scale protests in Oman and Saudi Arabia.

Regional unrest

Expanding the GCC is aimed not only at countering unrest across the Arab world but also strengthening the oil-rich Arabian kingdoms against what they perceive as the regional threat from Iran, their powerful neighbour across the Persian Gulf. They have accused Iran of fomenting the insurrection in Bahrain and of seeking to destabilize Arab regimes.

Iran denies involvement in the protests, saying it only gives Bahrain protesters "moral support".

In the impoverished Republic of Yemen, the GCC has been mediating, to no avail so far, to persuade rival factions to sign a transition deal aimed at ending months of anti-government unrest.

Yemen, which stands in stark contrast to its wealthy neighbours in the Arabian Peninsula, has limited observer status in the GCC.

Arab kings must "stick together"

Although Jordan and Saudi Arabia share close ties through common tribal and family links, the links are less evident between the Gulf states and Morocco, at the other end of the Arab world.

But they do have at least two factors in common - the Arabic language, and the system of monarchy.

The Dubai-based Gulf News cited Shaikh Jaber Al Khalifa, a political analyst, as saying that putting the eight monarchies in the Arab world under a single umbrella would be a positive step. "When political systems with common visions and ideas work together, you should expect good results because they are not held back by divergent political ideologies."

In a separate commentary in Gulf News on 11 May, Sultan Sooud Al Qassemi, a non-resident fellow at the Dubai School of Government, said that after Tunisia and Egypt, the survival of the 12 remaining Arab republican regimes was not guaranteed. The Arab League was "floundering", and the remaining eight Arab monarchies recognized the need to enhance mutual collaboration.

"They have identified the GCC as the ideal body for them to make an immediate and exponential leap in political, military and economic relations," he said.

The London-based independent newspaper Al-Quds al-Arabi on 11 May quoted "observers of Gulf affairs", whom the paper did not name, as saying that "the spread of Arab revolutions in the region, which have reached some Gulf countries, has prompted the GCC members to search for new allies following the collapse of the old alliance of so-called 'moderate countries' after the revolution in the country which was the Gulf countries' strongest ally, Egypt…"

Comments on Gulf websites ranged between those welcomed expanding the GCC and those who opposed it, Al-Quds al-Arabi noted: "Some said the military expertise of Jordan and Morocco would benefit the GCC countries, while others complained of the economic conditions in these two countries which might affect 'Gulf prosperity'."

The expansion plan is the strongest assertion of the GCC's foreign policy role in its 30-year history.

"They are leading the counter-revolution and it makes more sense for them to join with other Arab autocracies," Shadi Hamid, director of the Brookings Doha Centre, told Reuters news agency on 10 May.

Some analysts caution that an expanded union could have economic disadvantages for the Gulf.

John Sfakianakis, chief economist at Banque Saudi Fransi in Riyadh, in remarks cited by Reuters, said: "Greater economic harmonisation and collaboration is needed on the economic front among the current GCC states before further expansion."